The Republican Party is like a bunch of awkward guys on dates — trying very hard, but having trouble winning over women. With the midterm elections rapidly approaching, Republicans and Democrats have ramped up their efforts to woo women voters to varying levels of success. The Democratic strategy of emphasizing women’s issues is hardly new, and their broad goal this election cycle has been to reestablish this historical partnership. Republicans, on the other hand, have begun to run the bases on women’s issues as well, as moderate red candidates tout equal pay and reproductive rights as top priorities. This platform shift is a big — and somewhat surprising — change. And it may be working. Numerous high profile polls have shown the GOP gaining ground with women voters, and Democratic operatives are beginning to get nervous. Despite the changes in rhetoric, there’s little evidence that Republicans will carry the thread of women’s issues through to the 114th Congress. It may talk the talk, but the Republican Party is hardly the champion of women it now claims to be.
Democrats have a more substantial track record on reproductive rights and gender equity far more than the Republican Party. A significant landmark in this equilibrium is in 1980, when the Republican Party failed to endorse the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) at its national convention. Not only did the Democratic Party endorse the ERA, it also pledged to only support candidates who supported the amendment. In fact, since the 1980 presidential elections, women have consistently supported Democratic candidates more than their male counterparts. Today, an overwhelming majority of women favor Democrats over Republicans, regardless of age, marital status, racial identity, or ethnicity — 41 percent identify as Democrats, compared to 25 percent as Republicans. This trend held strongly in the last election cycle, when Democrats won women voters by 12 percentage points.
Democrats are trying to hold onto this edge, as their party’s prospects all but depend on it. If women don’t turn out to vote in the midterms (a time when female turnout has dropped off in the past), then Democrats are facing a guaranteed shellacking. In the House of Representatives, where the Democrats are scrambling to take back the majority, the party’s campaign platform is heavily geared towards addressing women’s issues including affordable childcare and economic mobility. Nancy Pelosi has travelled all across the country repeating the Democratic mantra: “When women succeed, America succeeds.” Congressional Democrats have also thrown their weight into professing their distaste for Hobby Lobby v. Burwell and other Supreme Court decisions restricting women’s reproductive rights.
Republicans are looking to change the tide with women voters in 2014. The National Republican Congressional Committee has urged candidates to integrate traditional Republican ideology with distinct outreach to women. Republican candidates have begun to publicly back the sale of over-the-counter birth control and to stress the importance and priority of pay equity. And given a history of questionable comments about gender equality and reproductive rights — Todd Akin comes to mind — the Republican caucus has been holding strategy sessions to determine the best way to approach these issues. To better connect with female constituents, some moderate Republicans have started what they call “Women2Women,” town-hall-type meetings designed to give Republicans a chance to reconnect with women and hear their thoughts. All of these actions are unprecedented, and to some extent, the efforts have paid off. The advantage Democrats have traditionally held with the female demographic is shrinking. A poll from the Wall Street Journal and NBC showed that Republicans halved their deficit among women voters from 14 percent to 7 percent. A 7 percent deficit isn’t stellar, of course, but it’s remarkable progress.
Nevertheless, the Republican Party has a long way to go if it wants to hold onto its gains with female voters. First of all, its candidates have to actually follow through on the rhetoric. Simply adopting new stances does not change one’s voting records. Rep. Steve Southerland, for example, is campaigning this year on advocating for pro-women legislation such as the Violence Against Women Act. But Southerland had already joined the majority of House Republicans in voting against that Act when it was on the House floor. Since these issues have a lot to do with personal ideology, flip-flopping wins few points with constituents. Voters don’t necessarily believe that so-called conscience issues can be party to public opinion, and it is hard to believe that someone who has been staunchly opposed to expanding reproductive rights can be swayed so easily to change their mind
The second reason for women’s skepticism to the new GOP outreach is that the decision to emphasize women’s issues was a top-down mandate, not one that stemmed from the individual candidates. Instead of relying on personal epiphany, the Republican caucus explicitly told candidates that the female demographic was essential and required an ideological shift. It’s unsurprising, then, that recent efforts to woo women to vote Republican appear to some as forced and unconvincing.
Over the summer, many Republican candidates fed fodder to the theory that their new platforms may not be trustworthy or reliable. Despite their claims that they are now joining Democratic lawmakers in working to expand women’s access to their reproductive rights, Republicans fiercely challenged Democratic efforts to reverse Hobby Lobby, which severely limited the access many women have to birth control. In a similar vein, it is hard to believe that the same Republican Party that shamed Texas State Senator Wendy Davis for exercising her reproductive rights can assert that it will be working to expand those same rights. Granted, a great many Republican candidates don’t behave in this manner towards women, but the actions of a small few reflect badly on the intentions and commitment of the party as a whole.
This cycle has made clear a disturbing truth: Republicans are not as supportive of women’s rights as they want us to believe. While it is clear that both parties are trying to put women first by prioritizing issues that matter to them, the Republican Party has gotten ahead of itself. Each party wants women on its side, not just because women need better representation of their issues in politics, but also because they are essential in the voting booth. But rhetoric and action are two different things, and voters have enough history to see the difference.
There is certainly a silver lining to all this, however; regardless of whether the GOP platform actually falls in line with women’s interests. As a result of this consistent focus on women voters, there can be no doubt that women’s political power is increasing by the day. In the 100 years since gaining the right to vote, women have gone from afterthought to key political constituency. The overall broadening of attention on women’s rights across the board can only be a good thing, too. With both sides of the aisle claiming to support similar agenda items, we can be hopeful, if not confident, that our legislature will begin to take larger strides in promoting gender equality. Even if it’s at a glacial pace, progress is on its way—it’s just a matter of when. But it’s not a bad bet to think that the Grand Old Party will continue to revert to back its old ways.
Art by Anisa Holmes.